The Middle East is suffering the blowback from rotten US policies, disastrous wars, and cultural turmoil. ISIS and its ilk are one result.
ISIS — or the so-called “Islamic State” — is the latest and most horrifying iteration of the modern terror groups that have plagued the region in recent years. With 20,000 to 30,000 combatants and recruits streaming in from all over the globe, the group is unlikely to be significantly degraded by US air strikes — not when political conditions in the Middle East continue to favor it.
The media often depicts ISIS recruits as lost souls in search of a cause or suffering from mental illness. That may be true in some cases. But these explanations are not sufficient to explain ISIS’s resilience and recruitment capabilities.
No organization, especially a terrorist one, can survive without support. That can range from passive acceptance to active assistance, and it comes from individuals who may view ISIS as either the lesser of many evils or else a righteous group waging a holy war.
Both views are fueled not only by decades of Western colonialism, but also by recent US invasions, drone strikes, and the installation and support of corrupt and brutal puppet governments. When Washington holds hands with dictators, or strikes oil deals that benefit only the hyper-wealthy, hatreds are remembered and passed down over the generations.
Yes, ISIS has committed unspeakable atrocities. But it’s too easy to forget that the US invasion of Iraq killed some half a million Iraqis by one estimate — most of them civilians — and wounded another million. Looking at the numbers, we can only imagine the thousands of Iraqi children killed by bombs who may have actually been burned alive or smashed by rubble. They died the sort of deaths that inflame Arabs and Muslims around the world. No mother, father, sister, or brother will ever forget.
The invasion also brought torture and sexual abuse of Iraqi prisoners, in blatant violation of international law and the most rudimentary elements of humanity. And the pictures of torture we saw are only a small part of what happened.
The aftermath of the war only fueled the outrage felt by Iraqis and the rest of the Muslim and Arab world. The puppet government installed by Washington made corruption a reality at every level of daily life, and it badly neglected and abused the country’s non-Shiite populations. Daily life continued to be miserable, if not fatal.
As a nation, the United States likes to tout its moral superiority. Yet the bleak contrast between what Iraqis experienced and America’s self-proclaimed exceptionalism led many Iraqis to join a group that made its own set of promises — ISIS — and the results have been terrifying.
Meanwhile, America’s allies in the Middle East aren’t much better.
Saudi Arabia beheads over 100 people per year, and its fellow Gulf States defy any semblance of respect for basic human rights. Even Jordan’s King Abdullah ibn Hussein, touted as a hero for his newfound resolve to fight ISIS, oversees a government that has no freedom of the press and freely tortures dissidents. America’s support for these countries motivates a large number of disillusioned locals to join groups like ISIS that promise a different world order under the banner of religion.
Beyond the basic elements that pull supporters into their orbit, ISIS has shown considerable political savvy in advancing its aspirations. It brilliantly made an alliance with the secular Iraqi Baathists (including former soldiers, civil servants, and ordinary civilians) that were thrown out of their jobs in the early stages of the US invasion. These Baathists provide ready-made organizational skills, military prowess, and knowledge of the Arab world.
There is no sound-bite solution to the Middle East. The issues are too complex, with far too many moving parts. President Obama’s remarks at the closing session of a recent summit against extremism hinted at the reality of the situation: “If we’re going to prevent people from being susceptible to the false promises of extremism,” he said, “then the international community has to offer something better.” But bombing Iraq and Syria will not solve the problem of ISIS. Neither will putting tens of thousands of American boots on the ground. On the contrary, these actions could potentially add fuel to the fire.
Working with Muslim communities in Western nations to identify issues that could lead some disillusioned members to join terrorist groups would be a worthwhile start. But what are we going to do with the simmering resentment in the Middle East over colonialism, invasions, bombing, and torture?
This anger isn’t going away anytime soon. But unless we begin an honest effort to address it, ISIS — and movements we cannot yet foresee — will continue to use these issues as ammunition. Sadly, the hostile political environment in Washington doesn’t give the president much space to honestly discuss these issues without being labeled as anti-American or some other nonsense.
The muscular arms of ISIS are pulling thousands into its fold and the results are horrific. We need to acknowledge that this nihilistic movement has appeal for a reason and begin to address these issues before the blowback blows us farther than we could imagine.
We’re not backing down in the face of Trump’s threats.
As Donald Trump is inaugurated a second time, independent media organizations are faced with urgent mandates: Tell the truth more loudly than ever before. Do that work even as our standard modes of distribution (such as social media platforms) are being manipulated and curtailed by forces of fascist repression and ruthless capitalism. Do that work even as journalism and journalists face targeted attacks, including from the government itself. And do that work in community, never forgetting that we’re not shouting into a faceless void – we’re reaching out to real people amid a life-threatening political climate.
Our task is formidable, and it requires us to ground ourselves in our principles, remind ourselves of our utility, dig in and commit.
As a dizzying number of corporate news organizations – either through need or greed – rush to implement new ways to further monetize their content, and others acquiesce to Trump’s wishes, now is a time for movement media-makers to double down on community-first models.
At Truthout, we are reaffirming our commitments on this front: We won’t run ads or have a paywall because we believe that everyone should have access to information, and that access should exist without barriers and free of distractions from craven corporate interests. We recognize the implications for democracy when information-seekers click a link only to find the article trapped behind a paywall or buried on a page with dozens of invasive ads. The laws of capitalism dictate an unending increase in monetization, and much of the media simply follows those laws. Truthout and many of our peers are dedicating ourselves to following other paths – a commitment which feels vital in a moment when corporations are evermore overtly embedded in government.
Over 80 percent of Truthout‘s funding comes from small individual donations from our community of readers, and the remaining 20 percent comes from a handful of social justice-oriented foundations. Over a third of our total budget is supported by recurring monthly donors, many of whom give because they want to help us keep Truthout barrier-free for everyone.
You can help by giving today. Whether you can make a small monthly donation or a larger gift, Truthout only works with your support.